Winter, 1526. In and around St. Gallen, crowds trail a young maid from Appenzell named Verena (Frena) Baumann. She preaches visions, declares herself chosen, and, according to eyewitness chronicler Johannes Kessler, at one point even calls herself Christ and speaks of bearing the Antichrist. Wherever she goes, people gather, throw coins and even clothing into the street, and wait for signs. City magistrates hesitate: punish, persuade, or simply expel? The scene is strange to us, but it unfolded in a precise historical climate: a city remaking church and society at speed.
The city and its fault lines
St. Gallen in the 1520s was a textile powerhouse and a Reformation laboratory. Humanist physician Joachim Vadian became mayor in 1526 and steered the city toward the new evangelical order. Meanwhile Kessler’s popular Sunday “Lesinen” (public Bible readings) pulled Scripture off the pulpit and into workshops and kitchens. Laypeople argued doctrine, merchants funded printing, and old and new authorities competed for legitimacy. The air was thick with expectation and anxiety.
- Old thinking vs. new: Medieval sacramental culture was giving way to vernacular preaching, congregational singing, and the idea that the Bible, read by common folk, could refound society.
- Street-level religion: Prophecy, dreams, and apocalyptic talk spread alongside sober catechisms. Austria’s wars, the Peasants’ War (1525) nearby, and pamphlets about the Turkish threat all heightened an end-times mood.
Enter the Anabaptists
Among the most controversial innovators were the Anabaptists (“re-baptizers”). They insisted on believer’s baptism (no infant baptism), a church of visible commitment, and often separation from state coercion. In St. Gallen and Appenzell, Anabaptism emerged from lay Bible circles; some members practiced radical discipleship (simple dress, mutual aid, refusing oaths), while a prophetic fringe experimented with visions and sign-acts. Women were present not only as hearers, but sometimes as prophetesses.
Verena (Frena) Baumann’s moment
Kessler’s chronicle places Frena/Verena Baumann, a young domestic servant from Appenzell, among several St. Gallen women who, for a season, led an ecstatic following. Together with Magdalena Müller (explicitly named a Täuferin/Anabaptist) and Barbara Mürgler, Verena gathered disciples, spoke through the night, claimed a circle of twelve, and at times proclaimed herself Christ. She alternately announced she would bear the Antichrist and called herself the great whore of Babylon (Revelation language turned inside-out). The movement drew curious onlookers from town and countryside.
When the council finally intervened, Kessler says the authorities placed Verena in chains in the city’s hospital/guest-house (Krankenherberge für Fremde) for six weeks. After refusing to go home to Appenzell, she was banished beyond St. Gallen’s jurisdiction. Her companions were turned over to their families and isolated; relapse could bring permanent expulsion.
“She gave herself out to be Christ … and the others believed it … ‘Whoever will follow the Lord, come!’” — paraphrased from Kessler, Sabbata
About the “naked” label: Later polemics relish lurid details about radical groups; Kessler’s account emphasizes crowds, trances, and the discarding of clothes and money as signs of renunciation. Whether this included staged public nudity in St. Gallen or simply dramatic shedding of garments, the point is the same: provocative sign-acts that broke social norms to announce a new spiritual reality.
Why did this happen here?
Because everything was in motion. A few elements:
- Do-it-yourself Scripture
New lay access to the Bible produced confidence, and volatility. If truth seemed plain to common readers, traditional clergy looked like obstacles. In this climate, visions and prophecies claimed the same immediacy as Scripture. - Competing reform blueprints
Zwinglian pastors and magistrates in cities like Zurich and St. Gallen wanted an orderly Reformation: preaching, schools, poor relief, moral discipline. Anabaptists pushed for a church of convinced adults only; some prophetic groups moved faster and stranger, toward end-times action. - Women and voice
In lay circles, especially on the Anabaptist edge, women sometimes preached or prophesied. Kessler explicitly notes women’s prophetic activity in 1526. The spectacle of female leadership made these episodes doubly controversial, and magnetic. - Europe-wide tremors
Across the Empire, radical gestures multiplied: “naked truth” processions in the Netherlands (1535); apocalyptic experiments in Münster (1534–35); and, earlier, visionaries in Zwickau and Strasbourg. St. Gallen’s episode sits on that spectrum, earlier, smaller, but of a piece with it.
Vadian’s line: firmness without blood
Burgomaster Joachim Vadian embodied the city’s humanist-magisterial approach: persuade where possible, restrain when necessary, and avoid spectacular punishments that make martyrs. In Verena’s case, the council opted for confinement and banishment, not corporal penalties. The policy aimed to cool the fever without igniting rebellion, an approach that let St. Gallen keep Reformation momentum while pushing back against Anabaptist extremes.
What to make of Verena now?
To modern readers, the claims sound delusional. Yet as a window into the time, Verena’s story is priceless. It shows ordinary people using the new tools of the Reformation, vernacular Bibles, lay meetings, spiritual autobiography, to rewrite their place in the world. In that flux, some fashioned sober congregations; others staged sign-acts so bold they scandalized neighbors and terrified magistrates.
That mix, liberation and excess, echoes how many modern movements begin: intense ideals, do-it-yourself media, street theatre, fractures between moderates and radicals. Some participants found healthier, lasting paths; others burned out or were pushed out. But no one who stayed silent remade anything.
Timeline (select)
- 1525 — Anabaptist baptisms spread from Zürich; popular Bible gatherings expand in St. Gallen.
- 1526 — Vadian elected mayor; episodes of women’s prophecy in St. Gallen, including Verena Baumann, Magdalena Müller, Barbara Mürgler; city imposes confinement and banishment.
- 1531 — (Context) Zwingli dies at Kappel; Anabaptism persists eastward into Appenzell and beyond.
- 1534–35 — (Context) Münster’s apocalyptic experiment shocks Europe; rulers tighten control.
Key terms (reader’s guide)
Anabaptists: Sixteenth-century movement advocating believer’s baptism and a voluntary, disciplined church; varied from pacifist communities to apocalyptic fringes.
Kessler’s Sabbata: A richly detailed St. Gallen Reformation chronicle (1523–39) by lay reformer Johannes Kessler, often our best local source.
Magisterial Reformation: City-led, pastor-and-council model (Zwingli, Vadian) seeking orderly religious change through civic authority.
Sign-act: A provocative, symbolic deed (tearing clothes, public repentance, “naked truth”) meant to preach without words.
Where did the Anabaptists go? Then & now
After the 1520s–30s: Repression in Swiss cities (Zurich, St. Gallen, Bern) pushed Anabaptists to define themselves and to move. In 1527 they issued the Schleitheim Articles, a short confession setting out believer’s baptism, church discipline (“the ban”), the Lord’s Supper as memorial, separation from coercive state power, non-swearing of oaths, and nonviolence. In practice, the movement soon differentiated:
- Swiss Brethren → Mennonites. In the Low Countries, Menno Simons gathered a pacifist, disciplined wing that stabilized and spread; “Mennonite” became the family name for many communities.
- Amish (from Jakob Ammann, 1690s). A stricter Swiss-Alsatian branch; most later migrated to Pennsylvania and North America.
- Hutterites (from Jakob Hutter, 1520s–30s). Communal Anabaptists practicing community of goods; after long migrations, they resettled in Western Canada and the U.S. northern Plains.
- Later kin include the Mennonite Brethren (19th c.) and the 20th-century Bruderhof.
Today: The global Anabaptist family (especially Mennonite bodies) numbers ~2 million baptized members across 80+ countries, with growth strongest in Africa and Asia; historic communities remain in Europe and North America. The Amish are concentrated in the U.S. and Canada; Hutterites live in communal colonies in Western Canada and the U.S. Upper Midwest/West.
Frequently Asked Questions
Q: Who was Verena (Frena) Baumann in the context of the St. Gallen Reformation (1526)?
A: Verena Baumann was a young maid from Appenzell who briefly led a circle of followers in and around St. Gallen, claiming prophetic authority, at times even calling herself “Christ”, as recorded by eyewitness chronicler Johannes Kessler in his Sabbata.
Q: Why is Verena Baumann called the “naked prophetess of St. Gallen”?
A: The label reflects reports of dramatic sign-acts in 1526, people casting off money and clothing as symbols of renunciation. Whether this meant literal public nudity in St. Gallen or simply the shedding of garments, the point was a shocking, prophetic gesture meant to announce spiritual upheaval.
Q: How did St. Gallen’s magistrates respond to Verena Baumann’s prophetic movement in 1526?
A: Following the magisterial Reformation model, the council confined Verena in chains for six weeks in the city hospital/guest-house and then banished her from the territory, while dispersing her companions to their families, restraint without martyr-making violence.
Q: What was the connection between Verena Baumann’s circle and Anabaptism in St. Gallen?
A: Kessler links her companions to local Anabaptist networks (he names Magdalena Müller a Täuferin). The episode sits at the prophetic edge of lay Bible circles where Anabaptism, visions, and end-times language often overlapped.
Q: What primary source mentions the “naked prophetess” episode in St. Gallen?
A: Johannes Kessler’s Reformation chronicle Sabbata (covering 1523–1539) provides the key eyewitness account of Verena Baumann, her claims, the crowds, and the council’s actions.
Q: Why did St. Gallen become a setting for prophetic episodes like Verena Baumann’s in 1526?
A: The city was a Reformation pressure-zone: Vadian’s reforms, Kessler’s lay Bible readings, print culture, nearby unrest (Peasants’ War), and apocalyptic pamphlets combined to create a climate where prophecy and radical gestures found an audience.
Q: What does Verena Baumann’s story tell us about women and the Reformation in Switzerland?
A: It shows that women sometimes prophesied and led at the grassroots, especially on the Anabaptist fringe, provoking both fascination and alarm. Their visibility highlights how the Reformation briefly opened unpoliced spaces for lay, including female, religious agency.
Sources
Bibliography. The same list is held in the article’s frontmatter for the citation tools that read it programmatically.
- Johannes Kessler, Sabbata: St. Galler Reformationschronik 1523-1539, ed. Emil Egli and Rudolf Schoch (St. Gallen: Historischer Verein des Kantons St. Gallen, 1902)
- Joachim Vadian (Joachim von Watt), Deutsche historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger, 3 vols. (St. Gallen, 1875-1879)
- Conradin Bonorand, Joachim Vadian und der Humanismus im Bereich des Erzbistums Salzburg (St. Gallen: Verlag am Klosterhof, 1980)
- Werner Näf, Vadian und seine Stadt St. Gallen, 2 vols. (St. Gallen: Fehr, 1944-1957)
- Heinold Fast, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte der Täufer in der Schweiz, Band 2: Ostschweiz (Zürich: Theologischer Verlag, 1973)
- Leonhard von Muralt and Walter Schmid, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Täufer in der Schweiz, Band 1: Zürich (Zürich: Hirzel, 1952)
- C. Arnold Snyder, Anabaptist History and Theology: An Introduction (Kitchener, ON: Pandora Press, 1995)
- James M. Stayer, The German Peasants’ War and Anabaptist Community of Goods (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991)
- George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation, 3rd ed. (Kirksville, MO: Truman State University Press, 2000)
- C. Arnold Snyder and Linda A. Huebert Hecht, eds., Profiles of Anabaptist Women: Sixteenth-Century Reforming Pioneers (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1996)
- Wes Harrison, ‘The Role of Women in Anabaptist Thought and Practice,’ The Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 1 (1992): 49-69
- Werner O. Packull, Hutterite Beginnings: Communitarian Experiments during the Reformation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995)
- John Howard Yoder, trans. and ed., The Schleitheim Confession (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1977)
- R. Emmet McLaughlin, ‘Apocalypticism and the Anabaptists,’ Mennonite Quarterly Review 80 (2006): 81-102
- Hans-Jürgen Goertz, The Anabaptists, trans. Trevor Johnson (London: Routledge, 1996)
- Bruce Gordon, The Swiss Reformation (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002)
- Frank J. Wray, ‘The Naked Truth Demonstrations of the Anabaptists,’ Mennonite Quarterly Review 30 (1956): 191-205
- Ralf Klötzer, Die Täuferherrschaft von Münster: Stadtreformation und Welterneuerung (Münster: Aschendorff, 1992)
- Stiftsarchiv St. Gallen, Ratsprotokolle, 1525-1527 (manuscript records of the city council)
- Rudolf Gamper, Joachim Vadian 1483/84-1551: Humanist, Arzt, Reformator, Politiker (Zürich: Chronos, 2017)
